Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics

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On December 24th, , after nearly two months of protests, Ma was forced to reform the Assembly and Parades Law, create new regulations for police officers, and draft a law allowing people to protest without prior government approval — though many saw these reforms as inadequate. The Wild Lily Strawberry Movement reaffirmed that, for Taiwanese youth, the fight for democracy and freedom would always be a main concern. While Ma was reelected in to the relief of China , there was a notable decline in his share of the vote.

His victory was attributed to an older demographic who, unlike the younger generation, desired stability — which they equated with maintaining an economic and relational status quo with China.

On March 18, , the Sunflower Movement erupted. The movement, while enjoying broad support across generations, was commonly known as a student-led movement due to its extensive student participation and leadership. Young Taiwanese were continuously at the forefront of the movement, propelling their ideas forward through the use of social media as a means of organizing protest and spreading vital information.

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The Sunflower Movement, which lasted twenty-four days, saw the participation of over 50 civic organizations, which rallied against the CSSTA through peaceful protests. The protest , which attracted over , participants, had government transparency as its central goal. The movement ended only after legislative speaker Wang Jin-Pyng released a statement that the CSSTA would be sufficiently reviewed before being enacted. The Sunflower Movement was conspicuous for its articulated desire for Taiwanese independence, for the key role of Taiwanese youth, and it planted the seed for subsequent movements.

In , Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic Progressive Party — who lost the election to Ma — was elected president over the KMT candidate Eric Chu; becoming in the process the first woman to be elected president in Taiwan. The election result, which also gave the DPP a majority in parliament, DDP won 68 seats in the seat Legislature represented the power and influence of Taiwanese youth, who gave the DPP a chance based on the same passion and pride for Taiwanese democracy and identity. Interestingly, of the representatives elected, 43 of them are first time legislators.

The presidential election saw significant action on the part of Taiwanese citizens between twenty and twenty-nine years old. For instance, while only On May 20th, , Tsai during her inaugural address showed her gratitude towards Taiwanese youth. While Tsai says that there were negotiations in between the two sides, she has not officially reaffirmed the Consensus. China, which has adamantly insisted that affirmation of the Consensus be the precondition to any talks or goodwill from China, has since excluded Taiwan from various world events such as the World Health Assembly and the International Civil Aviation Organization ICAO in March of Nonetheless, if the status quo was to become untenable — due to Chinese pressure — many Taiwanese, according to one poll , would support outright independence.

Proof of this shift towards an increasingly distinct Taiwanese identity can be seen in opinion polls as well as public statements by Taiwanese citizens. Taiwanese youth are deeply determined to maintain their Taiwanese identity, and are willing to continue to fight until complete independence is obtained. The difference in priorities, and values, and lifestyles between Taiwanese and Chinese youth just underlines how difficult it is for China to win over Taiwan.

Beijing appeals to an ethnic Chinese nationalism for legitimacy, which has no resonance for the Taiwanese millennials who take great pride in their universal democratic values. This marginalization is also reflected in media coverage of China, Taiwan, and particularly when dealing with Cross-Strait issues.

The author would like to thank Dr. Gerald Blaney for his advice and assistance in editing this paper, and to Ms.

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Gwenyth Wang for sharing her insights. Small point from near the start — the KMT brought authoritarian rule, not authoritative.

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Massive difference! Former president Lee Teng-hui. Former president Chen Shui-bian. Photo by Alysa Chiu. Fishball Revolution in Hong Kong. About Latest Posts. Dahlia Gottlieb. She is passionate about social justice and civic engagement, and is deeply interested in the role that student movements play in effecting social and political change. And, for the same reason, they support one and attack the other.

There is nothing new, either, in their opposition to Taiwanisation 8. The question is the more pressing since the aim of unification between Taiwan and China is beginning to lose its sacred aura, not merely in Taiwanese society but also within the mainlander population of Taiwan itself, penetrated by an irrepressible movement towards identification with the island.

The sense of crisis is widely shared. In our view, the politicians of the Blue camp, who had difficulty in finding a common, coherent and convincing strategic response to the challenge set for them by the Taiwanisation movement, no longer had the initiative of the political calendar. We shall see what a complex form is taken by the national identification of the mainlanders in Taiwan, a necessary preliminary to understanding the supporters of unification faced with ultimate defeat, the re-election of Chen Shui-bian: he was fairly elected, admittedly, but in an unacknowledged three-cornered contest, and backed now by a higher vote than in The war of words has been fierce beyond control, one camp desperate not to see Taiwan back in the hands of a party suspected of appeasement towards China, and the other glimpsing with unequalled anguish the possibility of annihilation.

A fight to the death: a sadly illuminating example can be cited, if one were needed, in the joy displayed by many militants in the Blue camp when the assassination attempt on Chen Shui-bian was announced. How did we reach that point? It faces three formidable challenges.

Then, there is the pressure from the Chinese who, lacking the strength in conventional weapons to invade the island, have found a more effective strategic solution in deploying an ever-growing number of missiles; while the reality of this threat is still under debate, the pressure it applies is like lighting a fire under an already boiling pot.

Taiwanisation: Its Origin And Politics

While the US is committed to defending the status quo, it will not support any change to it. This judgement is understandable, but ill-informed Thus, the men and women involved in Taiwan politics, in both camps, are in a delicate situation. We frequently have of it, by default, an intuitive perception, one that turns out to be partially wrong: that of an identity-state I am. Yet, identity is neither a state, nor a having—beyond the strict genetic baggage with which we come into this world.

Where identification can be analysed, identity is indescribable because it is an infinite process, an ever ongoing process. Though this may be obvious to psychologists, anthropologists and quite a number of sociologists, ordinary people have an instinctively fearful reaction to identity change, despite the fact that this is the common fate of all mankind. But these contradictions are quickly exploited by the supporters of unification, and they have a political cost. On the other hand, in a second consequence that is just as fundamental, they consciously attempt to destabilise this President, though he has been democratically elected and re-elected, to vent their frustrations and to enable themselves to believe that the historical movement of which they are casualties is not inevitable.

Did not the Chinese Communist Party itself advocate the independence of Taiwan during the s? Did not Mao Zedong himself, before coming to power, recommend that China be divided into several more easily manageable states? Counting the votes, 20 March: ballot is picked up by the first election officier, opened by a second, read ans show to the public by a third, and finally recorded on a list in full view of public by a fourth.

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However, it is not always easy to distinguish its various faultlines, or to identify one that would help us to distinguish the two camps on a single essential point, more clearly and less arguably than the others. The Waishengren are those Chinese immigrants who arrived in Taiwan from various mainland provinces between and 11 , their numbers rising to a peak at the time when the Nationalist government relocated to Taipei in December As we have shown in an earlier contribution to this review 12 , the building of an ethnic, political, symbolic and psychological frontier between the two can be historicised: we can thus determine the main dates.

Obviously we are not concerned here with an ancestral or immutable frontier, but with one that was constructed. Many misunderstandings between the two communities, and resentments on the part of the Taiwanese faced with mainlanders monopolising power, developed over a forty-year period. Inter-communal marriages and the phenomenon of the military exodus from the villages 13 have allowed a level of adaptation to Taiwan of the values of everyday life, ways of living and language among the mainlanders, whereas the first generation has gradually died out and the young people born of mainland parents have no personal experience of China.

And it reappears regularly, every time electoral polls force mainland or Taiwanese electors to make choices. And let us not forget the power and influence that second generation mainlanders kept for themselves, taking over from their elders in political and media circles. Admittedly, these younger people identify far more than their parents with Taiwan, but they certainly have not abandoned the principle of unification.

That principle takes a pounding, at the moment when the Taiwanese come to power in their own land. Their national identification is partly in conflict with the movement towards the indigenisation of the political structures and the ideology of Taiwan. But is this to say that the present conflict can be explained by a basic opposition between mainlanders and those of Taiwanese origin? No trace of such a clear dichotomy can be found. While the latter did vote en masse for candidates of Taiwanese stock, the mainlanders would have not had for a long time the slightest political hope in the island.

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Consequently, while there undoubtedly does exist a Waishengren phenomenon in Taiwan, the faultline does not lie along the Waishengren-Taiwanese divide. In reality, notions of independence or unification are ambiguous. In theory, there should not be any opposition between, on the one hand, the choice of independence and, on the other, that of unification. Indeed, there would be a problem of logic: if the question of unification is being asked, then there must already be independence; if the question of independence is being asked, how can it be offered at the same time as the option of unification?

How soon? Under what conditions?

Under the flag of the Republic of China? That solution would be difficult to sell to the Taiwanese, who live in a democracy and choose their own sovereign leaders. Under a federation, to which both governments would sacrifice their present names? It might be a viable solution, but only on condition that the two governments accept it. The options being numerous, and Taiwan being hardly in a position to dictate terms, the advocates of unification are themselves divided.

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But once the real debate begins over what name to adopt, the options are, here again, numerous. Will the choice reflect a desire for a complete psychological break or, conversely, will it assert independence while seeking a name acceptable to China? Many say that they would favour first changing the Constitution, so as to avoid providing China with too easy a casus belli while allowing the main changes in practical terms; that is the view of President Chen Shui-bian.

The pro-independence camp is no more unified over the formal aspects of independence than is the unification camp over those of unification Let us examine a final opposition, which we propose here, and which is based on the notion of consciousness. He could even possibly be against unification or against unification at any price —but would probably not be in favour of independence. Similarly, some very Taiwanised mainlanders will unambiguously reject the Chinese political system, but not the option of future unification, and there is no contradiction here.

They do identify with Taiwan but do not subscribe to an independence that their Chinese consciousness, unlike their Taiwanese consciousness, bars them from thinking as legitimate or useful.

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Thus, Taiwanese people who speak Taiwanese, being mainlanders widely Taiwanised in everyday matters and using the Taiwanese language, will maintain their opposition in principle to independence, and will feel a systematic mistrust for Chen Shui-bian: this would be difficult to explain other than by the significance of this variable.

And often, speeches that are supposed to explain unification, ranging from those of the less educated of unification supporters, to those with more carefully thought out arguments put forward by others, often reveal contradictions. Because Taiwan is part of China. Its use is commonplace among advocates of unification, on both sides of the Strait.

Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics
Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics
Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics
Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics
Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics
Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics Taiwanisation: Its Origin & Politics

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